To many Americans, divorce is an unfortunate, but necessary, part of life. To many others, it is the awful opponent of a healthy society. In almost all cases, though, divorce is not celebrated.

Whatever modern scholars may suggest, divorce is not celebrated because it is the end of marriage. The two are seen in almost complete disjunction.

Obviously, most Americans do not champion the cause of divorce on the at court houses, on the public square of their town, or in Washington, D. C.

Until now.

Many advocates of same-sex marriage are celebrating a new Maryland law that authorizes same sex couples to legally file for divorce. Writes the Baltimore Sun, “the Maryland Court of Appeals has ruled that Maryland must recognize same-sex marriages legally certified elsewhere.”

For years, opined the Court, the state of Maryland has recognized out-of-state marriages, even though many states have different standards for marriage. “For instance,” pens the Baltimore Sun, “some states have common-law marriages, unions created by cohabitation and agreement rather than ceremony, and Maryland has long recognized them even though Maryland has no common-law marriage statute.”

Since other states (or provinces, like Washington, D. C.) recognize the legality of same-sex marriage, the Maryland Court of Appeals followed suit.

The court’s vote was 7-0.

Effect on Maryland’s Referendum

This fall, Maryland voters will be considering a referendum to legalize same sex marriage within the state’s jurisdiction. Many see this as a signal that voters will approve the referendum. At the very least, for better or for worse, this decision strengthens the cause for same sex marriage. It now has its foot in the door.

This new Maryland law allows for same-sex couples to file for divorce. Some, strange as it sounds, are celebrating.

What is your opinion of this new law? Did Maryland’s Court of Appeals follow the correct precedent? Is this ironic celebration of divorce harm the traditional view of marriage?

 

On Thursday, April 12th, 2012, the Supreme Court of India ruled that the Right to Education Act was constitutional. While many see the law’s passage through the high court, many remind the country that problems still remain.

The Right to Education Act:

According to the Wall Street Journal, the law “makes education free and compulsory for all children between the ages of 6 and 14, and requires schools, including private ones that don’t receive any public funding, to set aside places for children from low-income families.” Although some have decried the law as “lowering the prestige of private schools,” many others are in favor of the expansion of the right to education. The Indian-based newspaper, The Hindu, argued that private schools “must sagaciously open their doors to students of all social strata, and help those from the weaker sections integrate with the others.”

The Advantages:

According to the Wall Street Journal, “The law requires schools, both public and private, to give one quarter of their places to low-income children.” This could produce a learned community that is more diverse, argue some. Others argue that the law’s enactment and victory in court is nothing short of justice itself.

The Obstacles:

Others note that there are many obstacles that the law still needs to face.

  1. The court exempted private “minority” institutions, like those run by religious groups, from the law, claiming that the act would “infringe on the fundamental freedom” of such schools.
  2. The more immediate challenge, some argue, is the lack of qualified teachers in India. The Journal calls this issue “a problem that plagues the Indian education system.” In fact, the country has an estimated shortfall of approximately one million teachers.
 

Supreme Court of the United States of America–the highest court in the land–heard arguments for the constitutionality of the individual mandate of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA), also cailed Obamacare by some. This might not be news to you.

Last week, though, President Barack Obama claimed that the Court would not invalidate his brainchild, for that would be an “unprecedented, extraordinary step.” After all, the law was passed by a “democratically elected Congress” — not to mention a “strong majority.” Echoing what some call the conservative’s problem with the Supreme Court, the President even drug in “judicial activism” — the justices overstepping their bounds.

The Court may indeed uphold the law, but it will not be because of the President’s political pressure or arguments. Here’s why:

1. Since the founding of the United States of America, “the utility and necessity of a federal judicature” was clearly present, according to Alexander Hamilton in Federalist 78.

According to Hamilton, the judiciary was absolutely necessary to protect the people from the government, the government from the people, the people from themselves, and even the government from itself.
It is far more rational to suppose, that the courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to their authority. The interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts.

In fact, Hamilton held that the courts were to be the least dangerous to the rights of the people, the least likely to usurp power from another branch. He wrote:

Whoever attentively considers the different departments of power must perceive, that, in a government in which they are separated from each other, the judiciary, from the nature of its functions, will always be the least dangerous to the political rights of the Constitution; because it will be least in a capacity to annoy or injure them. The Executive not only dispenses the honors, but holds the sword of the community. The legislature not only commands the purse, but prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated. The judiciary, on the contrary, has no influence over either the sword or the purse; no direction either of the strength or of the wealth of the society; and can take no active resolution whatever.

2. The law was not passed by a strong majority. Anyone who remembers the political nightmare it was passing the bill should also remember the amount of arm-twisting in Congress and name-calling in town halls took place before the bill meagerly passed through to the President’s desk.

3. The President’s political rhetoric will–most likely–have no sway, despite its historicity. Such a fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of the Supreme Court has not shown its head since the days of President FDR and President Andrew Jackson in the 1820s!

 

Beginning Monday morning, March 26, 2012, the Supreme Court is scheduled to hear arguments for the constitutionality of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA, also known as ObamaCare). Brought forward by 26 states, the lawsuit could significantly change the landscape of the current presidential election.

From what we know, the Supreme Court can take one of two options: rule the individual mandate, the driving force of the law, constitutional or unconstitutional. Either way, it appears as if the ruling will shake things up.

If the individual mandate is struck down…

Obama: repudiated

  • Obama, before being elected to the Senate and then the presidency, was a constitutional law professor at the University of Chicago. If the PPACA is ruled unconstitutional, his credibility will most certainly take a hit. How could a constitutional law professor be so wrong?
  • It would also be harmful for the Obama campaign because because the individual mandate was his administration’s brain child. One can scarcely forget that seemingly contentious and partisan  overhaul his administration dragged the country through two summers. How devastating would it be to see the law declared unconstitutional by the court.
  • Such a ruling may paint his administration in a unfavorable light. The Republicans’ accusations of the liberal political machine would be hard to ignore.
  • President Obama recently appointed Justices Kagan and Sotomayor, in fact, possibly for this very case. A defeat would be just that: a defeat.

Republicans: energy-driver would be destroyed

  • Such a ruling would end the GOP’s argument that “a Republican president must be elected to guarantee repeal of the law,” writes the Boston Globe.

Liberals: re-energized

  • If the court ruled that individual mandate is an unconstitutional use of Congress’ interstate commerce power, liberals may be re-energized. After all, the enacting of the individual mandate was a significant gain for the left.
  • The conversation to reduce the costs of insurance and provide better care could be re-opened absent an individual mandate. This, almost certainly, would favor Democrats, who have, for years, argued for specific policy objectives.

If the individual mandate is upheld…

Obama: affirmed

  • Obviously, Obama would be vindicated legally if the court upholds the mandate, for the PPACA was a major component of his presidency.
  • The Obama campaign may even claim a political victory and use the energy of a very definite “I told you so” from the supposedly non-partisan Court to their benefit in the 2012 race for re-election.

Republicans: undercut, re-ignited

  • For years, staunch Republicans have claimed that forcing individuals to purchase health care is unconstitutional. A contrary ruling would undercut this argument, and therefore the party.
  • After all, of the nine justices on the court, five were nominated by Republican presidents.
  • However, opposition would intensify in the political world. This could be a huge political advantage for the Republicans. “Without legal recourse,” writes the Boston Globe, Republicans would gain new energy to argue that the only path to kill the law would be to elect a Republican president and enough GOP candidates to control the House and Senate.”
 

Later this month, the Supreme Court will hear arguments on the constitutionality of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, the law also known as ObamaCare. 26 states have sued the federal government. They argue that the Congress overstepped its bounds by instituting what is known as the individual mandate, a section of the act that requires American citizens to procure health insurance or pay a fine. Under the guise of the interstate commerce commerce clause, Congress has usurped the powers that should belong to the states, they maintain.

One of the principal questions at stake, in this case, is whether or not the Supreme Court will remain non-partisan. Is it possible for the Court to look solely at the constitutionality of the act when such a heated debate surrounds the law?

Most Americans say no.

In fact, according to recent poll by Bloomberg, approximately 75% of Americans think that the court will not base its ruling solely on the law’s legal merits. After all, one can scarcely forget how much of a political fiasco the law’s passage was. That summer was heated — and I’m not talking about the temperature.

However, in a 2010 interview with Bloomberg News, Justice Stephen Breyer told Bloomberg argued that politics doesn’t influence the court’s decisions. “It would be bad if it were there.” The Justices on the bench maintain that their integrity remains intact.

 

3,475 Medal of Honor awards have been given to American soldiers. The most recent was given in September of 2011 to Dakota Meyer, a Kentucky resident, by President Obama. Put simply, it is the highest honor the President of the United States can bestow on a citizen. “Military honors play a vital role in inculcating and sustaining the core values of our nation’s armed forces,” said Donald B. Verrilli Jr., the solicitor general of the United States, according to the New York Times.

In 2006, President George W. Bush and the Congress thought that such Medal of Honor awards were so important–sacred, perhaps–that they passed The Stolen Valor Act, which punishes false claims of military honors.

When Xavier Alvarez stated that he was “an ex-Marine who had been awarded the Medal of Honor” at a local meeting, he was convicted under the Stolen Valor Act. He maintained that the 1st Amendment protects his right to say such things, and the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled the law unconstitutional. The United States appealed to the Supreme Court.

Now, the Supreme Court is set to decide if the freedom of speech shields people who makes these lies in U.S. vs. Alvarez.

On the one hand, Justice Stephen G. Breyer said, “There is a real harm…. It does hurt the medal if people falsely go around saying they have this medal when they don’t.”

On the other hand, many contend that the Stolen Valor Act puts the 1st Amendment Right to the freedom of speech at risk. If such a law is upheld, “where do you stop?” Chief Justice John Roberts asked. They argue that the law could lead down a slippery slope to laws against such things as lying about an extramarital affair, the Holocaust, a college degree or high-school diploma, or to impress a date.

 

On February 7th, a federal appeals court in San Francisco, California ruled that Proposition 8 is unconstitutional.

Proposition 8, a law that defines marriage as a union between one man and one woman, has been under fire ever since it was passed by 52% of the vote in 2008.

U.S. Circuit Judge Stephen Reinhardt (considered to be among the most liberal appellate judges), in the Opinion of the Court, declared, “Proposition 8 serves no purpose and has no effect, other than to lessen the status and human dignity of gays and lesbians in California, and to officially reclassify their relationships and families as inferior to those of opposite-sex couples.”

Effect of Case on Public Policy

According to Ed Whelan, writing in the National Review Online, ”In the grand scheme of things, there is nothing enduringly significant about today’s ruling” simply because–

  1. “The composition of the Ninth Circuit panel meant that there was” no doubt in anyone’s mind as of the outcome, wrote Whelan.
  2. The court was a stepping stone in Proposition 8′s passage to the Supreme Court.
  3. The court took a narrow approach in striking down Proposition 8. In short, it did not address the issue of whether the Constitution protects the rights of all same-sex couples to marry. Instead, because same-sex couples had the right to marry for a brief time in California, a proposition cannot take that away. If a minority group possesses a right, the people of a state do not possess the Constitutional power to “use their initiative power to target a minority group and withdraw a right that it possessed,” wrote Reinhardt.
 

In short, gerrymandering a process of setting electoral districts in order to establish a political advantage for a particular party by manipulating geographic boundaries to create partisan, incumbent-protected districts.

In 1812, the Boston Gazette accused of Elbridge Gerry, governor of Massachusetts, of redrawing the state senate’s election districts in order to benefit his Democratic – Republican Party.

When the Texas legislature failed to redistrict plans according to the D. C. Circuit Court’s guidelines, a panel attempted. According to Atlanta Citizens’ Journal, “Texas’ maps must earn preclearance as required under Section 5 of the U.S. Voting Rights Act, a law meant to cure a list of states and other jurisdictions from their historical record of discriminatory practices in election processes.”

Texas obtained 4 new congressional seats due to an increase in population — mostly from a large increase in the Hispanic population.

On January 20th, though, the United States Supreme Court ordered the San Antonio District Court to follow the legislature’s intent. According to Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott, “The Supreme Court made clear in a strongly worded opinion that the district court must give deference to elected leaders of this stateHowever, it did not outline a specific methodology.”

 

For whatever reason, internet users feel more free to say what is on their mind than face-to-facers do. As more and more people setup profiles online, the more open people feel about posting online.

In short, we live in an increasingly virtual age. From politics and religion to movies and books, many, if not a majority, post what they think online. Don’t believe us? Think of it this way: how many Facebook arguments have you been in?

This, of course, is not necessarily a bad thing, but, obviously, on Facebook, MySpace, Twitter, and (yes, even) blogs, what a person says online matters. However, an from a legal perspective, interesting questions arise: does the First Amendment prevent Congress from making laws about user-generated internet content? Is there a difference between innocent teenage badgering, cyberbullying, and abusive language?

According to the LA Times, a Pittsburgh high school principal saw a fake-MySpace profile of himself that used profanities to describe him. In West Virginia, “a school principal found out that a girl had created an online site to maliciously mock another girl as a ‘sl*t’”

In an interview, the principal at Blue Mountain Middle School in Pennsylvania, James McGonigle, “It made me out as a pedophile. If any of those accusations were taken seriously, I would have been put through a wrenching investigation,” he said in an interview.

When the students were suspended from school, they filed lawsuits. According to their lawyers, the First Amendment of the Constitution protects peoples from ”being punished for postings from their home computers.” Their lawyers (from the ACLU) said the fake profile of the principal was “juvenile humor” that should be ignored.

Now, the Supreme Court is set to hear the cases. Their decision: define the line between the privacy of students to use their home computers as they wish and the authority of school districts, principals, and teachers to punish and/or prevent such behavior. According to David L. Hudson, a 1st Amendment scholar at Vanderbilt University, ”The court needs to explain when school officials have the power to regulate off-campus student speech.”

 

In mid-December, the president of Alliance for Justice, Nan Aron, sent an open letter to Chief Justice John Roberts, requesting him “to address questions that have arisen about the ethical standards governing the Supreme Court.” The liberal group said that such a code of conduct was necessary given Justices Clarence Thomas Antonin Scalia’s appearance as speakers at a Federalist Society dinner / fundraiser.

The Code of Conduct, which lower federal courts are required to take, says a federal judge “may not be a speaker, a guest of honor, or featured on the program” of a fundraiser.

This predicament arrives at a particularly unfortunate time for the Supreme Court, set to hear the oral arguments for and against the constitutionality of the PPACA (also known as ObamaCare) within the next few months. So much so, that Chief Justice Roberts used much of the Court’s “2011 Year-End Report on the Federal Judiciary” to support his fellow justices.

He replied, “Because the Code was developed for the benefit of the lower federal courts, it does not adequately answer some of the ethical considerations unique to the Supreme Court” (Emphasis Added). In fact, Justice Roberts explained that the justices do, even before the Alliance for Justice brought this issue to the forefront of the Court’s agenda, consult the code as a “starting point and key source of guidance,” even if they are not bound to comply with that guidance.

“The Supreme Court does not sit in judgment of one of its own members’ decision whether to recuse in the course of deciding a case,” he wrote. “Indeed, if the Supreme Court reviewed those decisions, it would create an undesirable situation in which the court could affect the outcome of a case by selecting who among its members may participate.”

Roberts eloquently stated his side of the case:

I have complete confidence in the capability of my colleagues to determine when recusal is warranted.  They are jurists of exceptional integrity and experience whose character and fitness have been examined through a rigorous appointment and confirmation process. I know that they each give careful consideration to any recusal questions that arise in the course of their judicial duties.  We are all deeply committed to the common interest in preserving the Court’s vital role as an impartial tribunal governed by the rule of law.

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